August 27, 2026

Dolly Parton, Superstar Whose Songs Spoke to Millions, Dies at 80

 A black-and-white portrait of Ms. Parton with luxuriant blonde hair, sitting in a chair and smiling at the camera.

 

 

Known for her outsize persona, appearance and talent, she rose from rural poverty to become a top-selling singer, songwriter and entrepreneur.

 

Dolly Parton, a rags-to-rhinestones daughter of Appalachia who for six decades ruled country music and beyond with an outsize personality and down-home wit that enshrined her as one of America’s most cherished originals, died on Tuesday in Nashville. She was 80.

Her death was announced by her family. A spokesman said that she died after a brief battle with cancer and that she had been admitted to the Vanderbilt-Ingram Cancer Center in Nashville on Friday. Concerns about Ms. Parton’s health arose last year when she postponed a Las Vegas residency, and intensified to the point that she took to social media in October to announce, “I ain’t dead yet.” This May, she canceled the residency but said that she had responded well to treatment after her immune and digestive systems had, as she put it, “got all out of whack” in recent years.

From her hardscrabble beginnings to glittering stardom, Ms. Parton’s life was the stuff of make-believe. With her voluptuous figure, sparkly stage costumes and blond bouffant wigs, she was likened by the writer Chet Flippo to the Big Rock Candy Mountain, the Depression-era symbol of abundance. Her songs spoke to millions, confronting privation and loss even as they radiated possibility and hope.

She was, quintessentially, a uniter of people. In 2019, The New York Times ran a story with the headline “Is There Anything We Can All Agree On? Yes: Dolly Parton.”

Ms. Parton cannily exploited — and transcended — rural stereotypes and kitsch to fashion a folksy chic entirely her own. (“A country girl’s idea of glam,” she called it in the song “Backwoods Barbie.”) In the process, she became an international celebrity who headlined stadium tours, starred in Hollywood movies, built a business empire and appeared on the cover of Rolling Stone. Her at times girlish soprano notwithstanding, she was anything but the “dumb blonde” invoked in the title of her 1966 single.

“I’ve created this and played it up — the makeup, the whole persona,” Ms. Parton said, alluding to her plastic surgeries as well as her colloquial “Dollyisms” in a 2002 interview with The Times.

“But this isn’t all I am,” she added. “It’s not even most of what I am. Hopefully people can see beneath the hair to know there’s a brain, beneath the boobs to know there’s a heart and behind all the other stuff to know there’s some talent.”

ImageIn a black-and-white photo, a man in a rhinestone-studded suit sits, propping up his hands with a guitar, while a blonde woman stands next to him.
Ms. Parton with Porter Wagoner. Her early breakthrough came in 1967 when she was hired to appear on his syndicated country music television variety program.Credit...Michael Ochs Archives/Getty Images

Inducted into both the country music and rock ’n’ roll halls of fame, Ms. Parton was the top-ranking female singer on country radio from 1967 to 1993, and had a total of 25 No. 1 country singles.

Her early breakthrough came in 1967 when she was hired as the “girl singer” on “The Porter Wagoner Show,” a syndicated country music television variety program. Several years later, she had No. 1 country hits with records like “Jolene” and “I Will Always Love You.”

Both songs were among about 3,000 titles she published in her lifetime, hundreds of which have been recorded by other artists, including Tina Turner, Norah Jones, the White Stripes, Merle Haggard, RuPaul and Whitney Houston.

Featured in the 1992 movie “The Bodyguard,” Ms. Houston’s version of “I Will Always Love You” spent 14 weeks at the top of the pop chart. The song had previously been a No. 1 country single twice, in versions released by Ms. Parton in 1974 and 1982.

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Two women sit on a bench with their hands in their lap and a third woman stands behind them, her hands on their shoulders.
Ms. Parton, center, with Linda Ronstadt, left, and Emmylou Harris around the time of the release of their first album together, “Trio,” in 1987.Credit...Lennox Mcclendon/Associated Press

With Loretta Lynn and Tammy Wynette, Ms. Parton blazed a trail for women in country music, inspiring contemporaries like Linda Ronstadt and Emmylou Harris, as well as latter-day hitmakers like Carrie Underwood, Kacey Musgraves and Taylor Swift. She recorded a pair of albums, “Trio” and “Trio II,” with Ms. Ronstadt and Ms. Harris.

“I can’t imagine anybody, especially in country, who doesn’t try to emulate Dolly in some way,” Ms. Harris said on the occasion of Ms. Parton’s Kennedy Center Honors award in 2006.

Ms. Parton was one of country music’s greatest ambassadors, but she also collaborated widely with artists outside traditional Nashville circles, including Mavis Staples, Queen Latifah, Julio Iglesias and Ladysmith Black Mambazo. “Islands in the Stream,” a triple platinum-selling duet Ms. Parton recorded with Kenny Rogers, topped both the country and pop charts in 1983. (The song was written by Barry, Maurice and Robin Gibb of the Bee Gees.)

Stylistically, Ms. Parton’s music ran the gamut: mountain bluegrass and soul-inflected countrypolitan, disco-era pop and covers of classic rock touchstones written by Neil Young and Led Zeppelin — all of it rendered indelible by her irrepressible spirit and alternately keening and gossamer soprano drawl.

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In this black-and-white photo, a man stands behind a woman and dances with her, both of them holding microphones.
Ms. Parton and Kenny Rogers rehearsing in 1983, the year their duet “Islands in the Stream” topped both the country and pop charts.Credit...Doug Pizac/Associated Press

She wrote unabashedly, in simple Southern vernacular, about growing up as the daughter of an illiterate sharecropper.

“I’ve seen Daddy’s hands break open and bleed / And I’ve seen him work ’til he’s stiff as a board,” she sang over wistful harmonica and acoustic guitar in “In the Good Old Days (When Times Were Bad).” “I’ve seen Mama layin’ in sufferin’ and sickness / In need of a doctor we couldn’t afford. / Anything at all was more than we had / In the good old days when times were bad.”

In “Coat of Many Colors,” maybe her most beloved original, Ms. Parton plumbed childhood feelings of pride and humiliation. In this case, the coat in question — quilted from rags and originally a source of delight and the expression of a mother’s love — becomes an object of ridicule when Dolly’s classmates poke fun at her for wearing it to school:

So with patches on my britches

And holes in both my shoes,

In my coat of many colors

I hurried off to school

Just to find the others laughing

And making fun of me

In my coat of many colors

My Mama made for me

“That little song is like a world of things,” Ms. Parton said of “Coat of Many Colors” in “Dolly Parton, Songteller: My Life in Lyrics” (2020), written with Robert K. Oermann. “It teaches about bullying, about love, about acceptance, about good parents. That little story has even been written into a schoolbook to teach children about being different.”

Empathy was a hallmark of Ms. Parton’s songwriting, perhaps nowhere so much as in “Down From Dover” and “Daddy Come Get Me,” harrowing Southern gothic ballads about teen pregnancy and how patriarchy blames and victimizes young women.

Assertive women populated Ms. Parton’s songs, whether through her proto-feminist rewrite of Jimmie Rodgers’s “Mule Skinner Blues (Blue Yodel No. 8)” or by advocating parity in the bedroom (“Touch Your Woman”) and in the workplace (“9 to 5”).

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Three women in a wood-lined office, laughing.
From left, Lily Tomlin, Ms. Parton and Jane Fonda in the 1980 film “9 to 5,” about working women drudging for a sexist boss.Credit...20th Century Fox

“It’s a rich man’s game / No matter what they call it / And you spend your life / Putting money in his wallet,” Ms. Parton sang, with a mixture of fury and resolve, in the 1980 pink-collar comedy “9 to 5.” Besides writing and performing the movie’s theme song, a No. 1 pop and country hit, she also starred in the film as a beleaguered secretary drudging for a sexist boss, alongside Jane Fonda and Lily Tomlin.

Ms. Parton would go on to star in other films, among them “The Best Little Whorehouse in Texas” (1982), with Burt Reynolds; “Steel Magnolias” (1989), with Julia Roberts and Shirley MacLaine; and “Straight Talk” (1992), with James Woods.

In 1976, she became the first woman in country music to host her own syndicated TV series; a decade later, she had an hourlong variety show on ABC. But for all her reach and command as an entertainer — including her ubiquitous appearances on TV talk shows and specials — Ms. Parton viewed herself, first and foremost, as a songwriter.

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A woman in a blue dress sits at a piano and sings while another woman in a blue dress stands behind the piano and joins in.
Norah Jones, at piano, was one of many artists from outside country music who collaborated with Ms. Parton.Credit...Scott Gries/Getty Images

“Writing’s just as natural to me as getting up and cooking breakfast,” she told The Times in 2002. “I ain’t never far away from a pencil and paper or a tape recorder. I write every day, even when I’m on a plane, in the tub or on the bus. It burns in me.”

She continued: “Songwriting is my way of channeling my feelings and my thoughts. Not just mine, but the things I see, the people I care about. My head would explode if I didn’t get some of that stuff out. Not everything I write is good, but it’s all good for me — like therapy.”

Dolly Rebecca Parton was born on Jan. 19, 1946, the fourth of 12 children of Robert Lee and Avie Lee (Owens) Parton, in a one-room cabin on the banks of the Little Pigeon River in Sevier County, Tenn. Her father was a tenant farmer, and her mother was a homemaker who sang old Anglo-Celtic ballads and hymns while doing housework.

The Partons were so poor that Dolly’s father had to pay the doctor who attended her birth with a sack of cornmeal. Ms. Parton may have grown up without plumbing, heat, electricity and other modern conveniences, but she always insisted that she also grew up happy, and that music offered her a refuge from want.

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In a black-and-white photo in the middle of an album cover, a woman stands with a guitar by her side.
Ms. Parton’s 2024 album “Smoky Mountain DNA: Family, Faith and Fables” was produced by her cousin Richie Owens and featured collaborations with members of her extended family.Credit...Owepar Records, via Associated Press

“Most of us in the household learned to play early on,” she said in “Dolly Parton, Songteller.” “Every time anybody showed up, any uncle or aunt who knew how to play an instrument, I’d have them show me how to play a little bit on the banjo, the guitar, the autoharp or whatever instrument was around.”

When she was 5 or so, she wrote her first song, a ditty about a corncob doll with corn-silk hair called “Little Tiny Tasseltop.” She started singing on radio and on TV at 10, on the “Cas Walker Farm and Home Hour” in Knoxville, securing bookings with the help of her uncle Bill Owens, who also bought her her first guitar. The two would go on to write many songs together.

Ms. Parton made her recording debut in 1959, the same year she made her first appearance at the Grand Ole Opry. In 1962, she signed a songwriting deal with Tree International Publishing (now part of Sony Music Publishing). Two years later, she became the first person in her family to graduate from high school.

In 1966, Ms. Parton married Carl Dean, an asphalt contractor who shunned the limelight. The couple had met two years earlier, at a laundromat in Nashville, when Ms. Parton was 18. Mr. Dean died in 2025.

Ms. Parton is survived by six of her siblings: Willadeene Parton, Robert Lee Parton Jr., Stella Parton, Cassie Parton, Freida Parton and Rachel Ann Parton George.

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Dolly Parton in a denim shirt with her husband Carl kissing her cheek and wearing a black sweater.
In 1966, Ms. Parton married Carl Dean, an asphalt contractor who shunned the limelight. He died in 2025.Credit...Instagram

In 1965, Ms. Parton signed a recording contract with Monument Records, not long before she and her uncle wrote two Top 10 country songs for the singer Bill Phillips. She released the first of her roughly 90 Top 40 country hits — “Dumb Blonde,” a plucky denunciation of female stereotypes — in 1966.

In 1967, she began her seven-year tenure with “The Porter Wagoner Show.” She and Mr. Wagoner would go on to release 21 hit duets together, including “Holding On to Nothin’” (1968) and “Just Someone I Used to Know” (1969).

But with the arrival of the 1970s — and in no small part because of the national exposure she received on Mr. Wagoner’s show — Ms. Parton started to eclipse her employer in popularity.

The tension that resulted was further aggravated when she began steadily producing No. 1 country singles like “Joshua” and “Jolene.” Ms. Parton parted ways with Mr. Wagoner in 1974 to concentrate on her solo career, but not before writing “I Will Always Love You” as an expression of gratitude and farewell.

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Ms. Parton performing during a three-night run at the Bottom Line in Manhattan in 1977, an engagement that The New York Times called “a triumph.”Credit...Marilynn K. Yee/The New York Times
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Ms. Parton at the Country Music Association Awards in Nashville in 1978.Credit...Associated Press

The separation initially proved difficult for Ms. Parton, both emotionally and financially, but it also opened doors to new opportunities like the chance to host her own TV show. She was named female artist of the year by the Country Music Association in each of the first two years (1975 and 1976) after her break with Mr. Wagoner.

Embracing a more pop approach than she had earlier in her career, Ms. Parton continued her ascendance on the charts in the late ’70s with blockbuster hits like “Here You Come Again” and “Heartbreaker.” Both were No. 1 country singles that crossed over to the pop Top 40. The Country Music Association awarded her its top honor, entertainer of the year, in 1978.

After her 1980 recording of “9 to 5” earned her two Grammy Awards and an Oscar nomination, Ms. Parton turned her attention to movies, TV appearances and the development, in the mid-1980s, of Dollywood, her Smoky Mountain theme park, among other business ventures.

In 1987, she released the first of her two albums with Ms. Ronstadt and Ms. Harris, the platinum-selling “Trio.” She hosted “Saturday Night Live” in 1989 and teamed up with Ms. Lynn and Ms. Wynette to record the album “Honky Tonk Angels” in 1993.

She published her memoir, “Dolly: My Life and Other Unfinished Business,” a New York Times best seller, in 1994. The next year, she established the Imagination Library, a philanthropic endeavor through which more than 200 million books have been distributed to babies and young children.

She gave back generously to Sevier County, her home county in Tennessee. In the early 1990s, she began offering $500 to local high school graduates, to help lower the dropout rate; in 2000, she added five $15,000 college scholarships. In 2007, she held a benefit concert to raise money for a new hospital in the county.

In 2016, Ms. Parton organized a telethon, “Smoky Mountains Rise,” which raised over $9 million after devastating wildfires in eastern Tennessee, and she funded grants for families whose homes had been destroyed. In 2024, after Hurricane Helene, she, her foundation and her businesses gave $2 million toward relief efforts.

She also donated $1 million in 2017 to the Monroe Carell Jr. Children’s Hospital at Vanderbilt University Medical Center in Nashville, in honor of a niece who had been treated for leukemia there. She gave another $1 million to Vanderbilt in 2020 to help fund the development of Moderna’s Covid-19 vaccine, and $1 million more for pediatric infectious disease research in 2022.

Endowed with a surfeit of creativity and an unflagging work ethic, Ms. Parton admitted in interviews to sleeping as few as three hours a night. She was nominated for more than 50 Grammy Awards, 10 of which she won, along with being recognized for lifetime achievement by the Recording Academy in 2011. A show about her life, “Dolly: A True Original Musical,” is scheduled to open on Broadway in early 2027.

Ms. Parton was inducted into the Country Music Hall of Fame in 1999 and the Songwriters Hall of Fame in 2001, and was awarded the National Medal of Arts in 2005. In 2022, she was inducted into the Rock & Roll Hall of Fame.

But perhaps even more remarkable than the profusion of accolades and awards was Ms. Parton’s unstinting generosity of spirit — her commitment, born of deep religious convictions and an immense heart, to seeing the humanity in all people.

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A woman in white holding a microphone and being kissed on the cheek by another woman.
Ms. Parton and her goddaughter, Miley Cyrus, onstage at the Grammy Awards in 2019.Credit...Kevin Winter/Getty Images

Ms. Parton not only sang the traditional Southern gospel music her mother taught her; she also wrote and sang “Travelin’ Thru,” an Oscar-nominated song from “Transamerica,” the 2005 movie about a transgender woman seeking to connect with her son. In 2017, Ms. Parton collaborated with Miley Cyrus, her goddaughter, to record “Rainbowland,” a tribute to gay pride and liberation.

“You have to accept everything and everybody,” she said in “Songteller,” talking about the lessons to be learned about open-mindedness and inclusion from “Coat of Many Colors.”

Time and again in her career, Ms. Parton reflected on her impoverished upbringing and how she followed her dreams to escape it. “I wanted to be free,” she told Rolling Stone in 1977. “I had my songs to sing, I had an ambition, and it burned inside me.”

She added: “It was something I knew would take me out of the mountains. I knew I could see worlds beyond the Smoky Mountains.”

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A blonde woman in a skimpy, shimmering dress onstage with an orchestra.
Ms. Parton onstage in 2025. A few years ago, The New York Times ran a story with the headline “Is There Anything We Can All Agree On? Yes: Dolly Parton.”Credit...Jason Kempin/Getty Images

Dave Marsh, Rock Critic Who Loved Springsteen and Hated the Dead, Dies at 76

 Dave Marsh sits on a sofa in front of a bookcase full of albums, one hand on his head, staring pensively into the distance.

A passionately opinionated veteran of Creem and Rolling Stone, he was part of a generation of writers who influenced how the world saw the golden age of rock.

Dave Marsh, an influential and idiosyncratic rock critic who championed passion over polish, helped catapult Bruce Springsteen to fame and damned the Grateful Dead as “the worst band in creation,” died on Friday at his home in Norwalk, Conn. He was 76.

The cause was complications of posterior cortical atrophy, a form of dementia, his wife, Barbara Carr, said.

Mr. Marsh, a star writer and editor for Creem, the taste-shaping Detroit rock magazine, and Rolling Stone, was among a generation of pioneering critics, including Lester Bangs, Jon Landau and Greil Marcus, who shaped how the world saw the golden age of rock.

He could be quirky. In a list of the 30 greatest rock ’n’ roll guitarists included in “The Book of Rock Lists” (1981, written with Kevin Stein), he ranked Carl Wilson of the Beach Boys — a celestial voice, but no one’s idea of a shredder — above the fretboard leviathans Jimmy Page and Duane Allman.

“He was born with the DNA of a contrarian,” Mr. Landau, who went on to manage and produce Mr. Springsteen, said in an interview. “He loved to argue, sometimes just for the sake of arguing.”

But the opinions Mr. Marsh held, he held with conviction. Mr. Marcus once described his work as “heartfelt, heart on your sleeve, blood in your mouth.”

With tastes that ran from the Supremes to the Sex Pistols — with heavy helpings of garage rock, soul, R&B and heartland rock from Bob Seger along the way — Mr. Marsh, proud of his blue-collar origins, was a music populist as well as what Mr. Landau called a “classicist” who steered clear of ephemeral fashions.

The mission of rock, he once wrote, was to bring “a glorious possibility, a chance to communicate across all the gaps in our society — gaps of class, race, region, gender, generation, education.”

Given that Mr. Springsteen’s goal was similar, it was little wonder that, among the more than two dozen books that Mr. Marsh published, including appraisals of Elvis Presley, George Clinton and the Who, five were about the bard of the Jersey swamps, starting with the best-selling “Born to Run: The Bruce Springsteen Story” (1979), the first major biography of the artist.

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A black-and-white photo of Dave Marsh wearing glasses and a black leather jacket, sitting at a table and signing a book.
Mr. Marsh in 1981, signing his Bruce Springsteen biography, “Born to Run.” The critic Greil Marcus once described Mr. Marsh’s work as “heartfelt, heart on your sleeve, blood in your mouth.”Credit...Deborah Feingold/Corbis, via Getty Images

“My great friend Dave, with his straight-out-of-Detroit attitude, was a true rock ’n’ roll lifer,” Mr. Springsteen wrote on social media after Mr. Marsh’s death.

“He deeply believed in what I was trying to accomplish,” Mr. Springsteen added, “and his lifetime of support meant the world to me.”

A connoisseur of raw minimalism, Mr. Marsh was one of the first journalists to use the term punk rock, in a 1971 Creem column about the Michigan garage rockers ? and the Mysterians (Question Mark and the Mysterians). In 1993, he published an entire book on a timeless three-chord frat-house raver, “Louie Louie: The History and Mythology of the World’s Most Famous Rock ’n’ Roll Song.”

To him, rock did not need filigreed solos or 24-track production to touch the heart. What good music required, he believed, was emotional authenticity.

In his 1989 book, “The Heart of Rock & Soul: The 1,001 Greatest Singles Ever Made,” considered a landmark of music criticism, he listed at No. 1 Marvin Gaye’s recording of “I Heard It Through the Grapevine.” That 1968 version of the song, he wrote, isn’t “a plea to save a love affair; it’s Marvin Gaye’s essay on salvaging the human spirit.”


A multicolored book cover filled with images of multiple people interspersed around multiple words and phrases: “Dave Marsh,” “The Heart of Rock & Soul,” “Dancing 9 p.m. to 1 a.m.,” “The 1001 Greatest Singles Ever Made,” “In Person the Fabulous James Brown,” “Please, Please, Please,” “Try Me,” “Madonna,” “Papa Don’t Preach,” “The Beatles,” “She Loves You,” “Jimi Hendrix,” “All Along the Watchtower,” “the Kingsmen,” “Louie Louie,” “Bob Dylan,” “Like a Rolling Stone,” “Bruce Springsteen,” “Born to Run,” “The Rolling Stones,” “Satisfaction,” “Plus Much, Much More!”
Mr. Marsh’s 1989 book, “The Heart of Rock & Soul: The 1,001 Greatest Singles Ever Made,” is considered a landmark of music criticism.Credit...Grand Central Publishing

In a Rolling Stone review of Patti Smith’s vulnerable and brutal 1978 album “Easter,” he called her “the most profoundly religious American popular performer since Jim Morrison.”

Conversely, he felt that the bombastic music of progressive rock bands like Emerson, Lake & Palmer and Yes, with their Carnegie Hall-worthy orchestral arrangements and virtuoso musicianship, was “truly arrogant,” as he wrote in Rolling Stone in 1977, “because it refuses to articulate just what moods its complex structures are meant to evoke.”

He reserved equal ire for what he considered slick, soulless corporate rock. In “The New Rolling Stone Record Guide” (1983), he gave every one of Journey’s nine albums up to that point — including the 1981 juggernaut “Escape,” which sold over 10 million copies — one out of five stars.

The band, he wrote, “made records perfectly calculated to be inserted into FM radio playlists: ‘Stepford Wives’ rock, dead on its feet without any awareness of the utter triviality.”

In the same record guide, Mr. Marsh called the Grateful Dead, with their interminable space jams and druggy aura, an “assertedly major oeuvre that’s virtually worthless except for documentary purposes.” In a Rolling Stone review of Queen’s 1978 album, “Jazz,” he said the group “may be the first truly fascist rock band.”

History did not always prove him right. A Dylan admirer, he nevertheless panned “Blood on the Tracks” (1975), now roundly hailed as a masterpiece, writing, “The long songs, particularly, suffer from flat, tangled imagery, and the music, with all its hints at the old glory, is often incompetently performed.”

As he said in a 1987 interview with The Washington Post, “I was always a hard-ass in terms of my opinions.”

David Rodney Marsh was born on March 1, 1950, in Pontiac, Mich., the eldest of three children of Oliver Marsh, a labor relations officer for the Grand Trunk Western Railroad, and Mary (Evon) Marsh, a teacher’s assistant.

He grew up listening to R&B records at the height of the Motown era, and the music helped him realize that “all the inequality and segregation and racism I had been brought up with had to be wrong,” he said in a 1989 radio interview with the author Studs Terkel.

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An older Mr. Marsh with receding hair, wearing dark pants and a blue button-down shirt, sits in a rattan chair opposite a man with a pencil-thin mustache and tousled dark hair, wearing black clothing and a bright red jacket.
Mr. Marsh with Little Richard at the South by Southwest music festival in Austin, Texas, in 2004.Credit...Gary Miller/Getty Images

He wrote for the newspapers at Waterford Kettering High School, outside Detroit, from which he graduated in 1968, and at Wayne State University, which he abandoned after a year.

At 19, he “talked my way into Creem,” he later recalled. He became the “spark plug” for the magazine, as Mr. Landau put it, helping define the publication’s hard-edge Detroit sensibility and giving an early stamp of approval to ferocious local bands like Iggy and the Stooges and the MC5, who created a blueprint for punk rock.

After rising to become the editor in chief of Creem, Mr. Marsh left in the early 1970s because of mounting tensions with Barry Kramer, the magazine’s publisher.

He moved to the Boston area and began writing for The Real Paper, a trailblazing alternative newspaper. In the spring of 1974, he and Mr. Landau headed to the Harvard Square Theater to check out a shaggy troubadour out of Asbury Park, N.J.

“I expected nothing,” Mr. Marsh later wrote. “I got everything.”

He became a close friend of Mr. Springsteen’s, as well as a leading interpreter of his work; his wife, Ms. Carr, helped Mr. Landau manage Mr. Springsteen. The cozy relationship drew scrutiny, which Mr. Marsh did not duck.

“Hidden conflicts of interest are not good,” he wrote in the introduction to his 1987 biography, “Glory Days: Bruce Springsteen in the 1980s.” “Open conflicts of interest are part of the story.”

In the early 1980s, Mr. Marsh was a founder of Rock & Roll Confidential, a left-wing monthly newsletter that billed itself as “the Voice of the Undesirable Element,” exploring music, censorship and corporate greed.

Later that decade, he collaborated with Mary Morello, who would become the chief opponent of Tipper Gore, the future second lady, in a widely publicized battle over labeling records for potentially offensive content.

“If you don’t think a label is a form of censorship,” he told The Miami Herald in 1988. “Ask anyone who had to wear a yellow star in Nazi Germany.”

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Three middle-aged men standing in front of a microphone, talking and laughing.
Mr. Marsh, left, in 2010 with Mr. Springsteen and Steven Van Zandt, a member of Mr. Springsteen’s band, at a fund-raiser in New York City to benefit the Kristen Ann Carr Fund, named after Mr. Marsh’s stepdaughter, who died of cancer in 1993.Credit...Kevin Mazur/WireImage

In more recent years, he was a host, with Jim Rotolo, of “E Street Radio,” a weekly program for Springsteen fanatics, and presided over another music show, “Kick Out the Jams,” both on SiriusXM.

In addition to his wife, he is survived by a step-grandchild and a sister, Paula Seguna. Mr. Marsh’s stepdaughter Sasha Carr died in 2024. Another stepdaughter, Kristen Ann Carr, died of sarcoma in 1993 and inspired the creation of a fund in her name supporting cancer research and patient care, for which Mr. Marsh helped raise money.

While Mr. Marsh was known for his fierce advocacy for baby-boomer staples like the Beatles and Motown, his tastes evolved with the times, and he came to see hip-hop as a more earthshaking populist art form than punk. In 1992, the newsletter he edited changed its title to Rock & Rap Confidential.

“Do I think that the revolution in white rock ’n’ roll, or in part of white rock ’n’ roll, that happened in England and was stillborn in the United States with punk, approaches the significance of the rise of rap music?” he said in an interview with the writer Scott Woods. “That’s a silly idea.”

 NEW YORK TIMES 

Alex Williams
Obituaries reporter
  1. Marsh left an unusually large imprint on my music tastes as a teenager — although I never could quite figure out how Carl Wilson of the Beach Boys was a better guitarist than Jimmy Page.



 

Threatening Friends and Courting Enemies in Trump’s ‘Upside-Down World’

 

Once again, President Trump is threatening his country’s own partners with everything from tariffs to bombs. Once again, he is fawning over a nuclear-armed tyrant deemed to be one of the biggest dangers to U.S. security. And once again, the world is left trying to make sense of a United States that has upended the world order that it established eight decades ago.

Nearly 10 years after Mr. Trump first came to the White House on the slogan of America First, his attack-thy-friends, befriend-thy-enemies approach to international relations has become the feature, not the bug, of U.S. foreign policy. Traditional alliances from Europe to Asia to the Middle East have frayed while the president courts those once seen as its adversaries.

Even so, the past few days have thrown the Trumpian worldview into stark relief. Mr. Trump declared that he would bomb Oman, a key friend in the complicated diplomacy of the Middle East, if he decides it is getting in the way of his war with Iran. He was set to impose punitive new tariffs on Canada, once considered the United States’ closest friend. And he announced that he would pull back military support from South Korea, the bulwark of the U.S. network of partners in the Asia-Pacific.

At the same time, he again began sending public mash notes to North Korea’s absolute dictator, Kim Jong-un, with whom by his own description he “fell in love” in his first term. Mr. Kim, who rules one of the most oppressive nations in the world, never did give up his nuclear weapons, as Mr. Trump once declared he would. Instead, Mr. Kim has vastly expanded his nuclear arsenal in defiance of Mr. Trump, who nonetheless remains a suitor, no matter how unrequited.

“He dumps on our friends and cozies up to our enemies,” said James J. Blanchard, a former ambassador to Canada and Democratic governor of Michigan. “If someone once told me that Russia is our friend and Canada is our enemy, I’d have told you we’re in an upside-down world.”

Richard Fontaine, the chief executive of the Center for a New American Security and a former adviser to Senator John McCain, Republican of Arizona, said that none of the bombastic threats were new. But he pointed out that Mr. Trump had not always followed through on them. The United States, he noted, had not pulled out of NATO, abandoned South Korea, bombed Oman or seized Canada and Greenland.

“Increasingly, the bullying rhetoric is being priced in by countries around the world,” Mr. Fontaine said. “They don’t dismiss it, but they don’t take the threats literally either. As more and more unfulfilled threats are issued, people listen less. It undermines the president’s credibility.”

Mr. Trump has long argued that his approach to other countries, however unorthodox, makes sense for the United States. Under previous presidents, allies took advantage of America’s security presence and trade rules without reciprocating, Mr. Trump maintains. He sees relatively high trade deficits and relatively low NATO military spending as proof that so-called friends are exploiting the United States.

As for sweet talking North Korea, China, Russia and other longtime adversaries, Mr. Trump contends that the confrontational policies of the past failed to achieve what they set out to, so better to try more diplomacy. He still hopes to reach a nuclear accord with North Korea, seal a comprehensive trade deal with China and reestablish full ties with Russia by brokering an end to Moscow’s war in Ukraine. He has pushed aides for a meeting this fall with Mr. Kim, The Wall Street Journal reported.

The war with Iran has provided a new scorecard for the allies that deserve support and those that do not. Countries that have declined to facilitate military operations against Tehran or use force to help guarantee passage through the Strait of Hormuz have in his view betrayed the United States, even though he never asked for their opinions before starting the war. After targeting Britain, France, Spain, Italy and others for not doing more to help him against Iran, Mr. Trump has now focused his ire on South Korea.

“We have 39,000 soldiers over there guarding you from Kim Jong-un, your next-door neighbor, and you’re not going to help us on a very easy military operation in Iran?” he said this week after announcing that he would scale back joint exercises with South Korea.

By contrast, he went on, “Kim Jong-un has always treated me with great respect, and we’ve met on numerous occasions, actually, two primary occasions — spoken and spent time. I understand him. He understands me.”

Image
Mr. Trump with the North Korean leader Kim Jong-un in 2019.Credit...Erin Schaff/The New York Times

If so, that distinguishes Mr. Kim from European and Asian allies who still do not understand Mr. Trump, even if they have come to expect his volatile outbursts. Until now, presidents of both parties have valued their relationships with overseas friends. And while there have been plenty of moments of tension over the years, they have worked to keep them from escalating too far.

Now the allies are the ones trying to avoid exacerbating the situation. “They grit their teeth and bear it because in the end they do not want to see irreparable damage done to the alliance over the next two years,” said Victor D. Cha, the president of the Geopolitics and Foreign Policy Department at the Center for Strategic and International Studies. “In short, allies may like and trust the U.S. less today, but they still need the U.S.”

Mr. Cha, who was an Asia adviser to President George W. Bush, said that President Lee Jae Myung of South Korea actually has a good relationship with Mr. Trump and does not want to harm that. “Lee is also as transactional as Trump, so if Trump’s outreach to Kim Jong-un works, that is very much in South Korea’s interests,” Mr. Cha said.

The presence of U.S. forces in South Korea since the 1950s war has long irritated Mr. Trump, who sees it in zero-sum terms. In his first term, he sought to pull troops out and cancel military exercises, judging them wasteful and unnecessarily provocative toward his friend in North Korea. He sought to charge South Korea billions of dollars for U.S. protection, and linked security issues to his complaints about Seoul’s trade policies.

Mr. Trump is not the first president interested in bringing troops home from South Korea so long after the war. President Jimmy Carter promised to scale down U.S. forces there, but gave up amid resistance from Congress and his own administration. Donald H. Rumsfeld, who was Mr. Bush’s defense secretary, surprised the South Koreans by redeploying a brigade to Iraq, and never returned it. Today, about 28,500 U.S. troops are stationed in South Korea, according to the Congressional Research Service.

“There could be a strategic case for restructuring the U.S. military presence on the peninsula,” said Michael J. Green, the chief executive of the United States Studies Centre at the University of Sydney in Australia, “but none for making them a pawn in a flirtation with the world’s cruelest dictator — particularly at a time when North Koreans are coming back from the Ukraine war battle hardened and backed by a larger missile inventory than they had in 2018.”

Oman, for its part, has for years been an important interlocutor between the United States and Iran, helping to facilitate negotiations when the two sides were open to talks. But Mr. Trump has grown increasingly aggravated that Oman has sought to broker a deal with Iran to control the Strait of Hormuz.

He first threatened to mount an unprovoked war on the sultanate in May, saying that “Oman will behave just like everybody else or we’ll have to blow them up.” On Monday, he lashed out again, declaring that if Oman “gets in the way” of his efforts to reach an agreement with Iran, “we’ll bomb the shit out of them.”

Canada faces a different form of hostility from Mr. Trump, who vowed to slap new tariffs of 50 percent on more than 500 Canadian goods, including hockey sticks and cheese, Tuesday at midnight. Just 90 minutes before his self-imposed deadline, Mr. Trump, as he often has done, pulled back from the brink and suspended the tariffs for three days to give more time for talks.

But even if the two sides eventually reach an accord, there remain many points of friction between the neighbors, exacerbated by Mr. Trump’s oft-expressed ambition to take over Canada and make it “the 51st state.” Just last month, the opening of the new Gordie Howe International Bridge linking Detroit with Windsor, Ontario, was delayed for weeks over various grievances Mr. Trump has with Canada.

Mr. Blanchard said he suspected that the latest eruptions against Canada and other U.S. allies stemmed from Mr. Trump’s inability to bring the Iran war to a close. Neither bombing nor negotiations have forced Iran to surrender control of the Strait of Hormuz or to make verifiable commitments to abandon its nuclear program. The president appears stuck in a geopolitical trap without a clear path forward.

Mr. Fontaine said that Mr. Trump’s approach to allies and adversaries undermined U.S. interests. “There should be benefits to being a friend of America, and costs for being an enemy,” he said, “not the other way around.”

NEW YORK TIMES  

 

August 23, 2026

Díaz-Canel diz que EUA asfixiam Cuba e nega guinada capitalista

 

Homem de cabelos grisalhos, vestido com camisa azul e blazer preto, segura cartão com bandeira e nome de Cuba em ambiente interno com janelas grandes e vista para área verde.

Mônica Bergamo

Havana (Cuba)

Aos 66 anos, o engenheiro Miguel Díaz-Canel comanda Cuba no momento mais crucial de sua história, em que até mesmo a capacidade de sobrevivência da ilha como nação autônoma é considerada sob ameaça.

Sob bloqueio implacável do governo do norte-americano Donald Trump, que desde maio impede a entrada de combustível e insumos no país, os cubanos enfrentam situações extremas em que faltam luz, água, transporte, alimentos e remédios. O lixo, nas ruas, fica por dias sem ser recolhido.

Para tentar contornar o cerco do ataque norte-americano, o parlamento de Cuba aprovou há dois meses um pacote de reformas econômicas apresentado pelo governo com 176 medidas que abrem espaço para o setor privado de forma inédita —e impensável há poucos anos.

Empresários privados estão autorizados a ter mais de dois negócios, com mais de cem empregados, o que possibilita o surgimento de conglomerados. Ações poderão ser negociadas livremente. Companhias estrangeiras poderão explorar a terra por até 99 anos, em sistema de usufruto.

Canel, que desde que assumiu o governo viu o PIB do país encolher 15% depois de sucessivas crises (entre elas, o fim da pareceria energética com a Venezuela e a Covid-19), afirma que as reformas não vão trazer o capitalismo de volta a Cuba.

"O povo não permitiria", disse ele em entrevista exclusiva concedida à Folha na semana passada em Havana.

Nem são concessão direta ao governo Trump. "Os EUA não têm moral para nos pedir nenhuma concessão, nem nós estamos dispostos a fazê-las", afirma.

Na entrevista, o líder da ditadura cubana diz que os EUA promovem um genocídio silencioso no país e tentam, com a escalada das sanções, provocar uma explosão social que leve "à famosa queda da Revolução, que eles tanto desejaram e pela qual tanto esperaram".

Afirma que o governo, no entanto, não vai capitular. "Não temos alternativa senão resistir."

Confrontado com críticas à burocracia, à demora em implantar reformas e às restrições políticas internas, Díaz-Canel admite erros, mas rejeita que sejam a causa central da crise.

Questionado sobre a possibilidade de uma intervenção americana e seu próprio destino diante de uma eventual ação militar, endurece o discurso: "Se chegar a minha hora, chegou. Mas não vai ser com fraqueza e covardia. Vai ser lutando."

 

BLOQUEIO ENERGÉTICO

Organismos internacionais alertam que Cuba pode se transformar, ou já está se transformando, em uma Gaza silenciosa, com um bombardeio sem bombas. Como o senhor define a situação?
É uma avaliação perfeitamente correta. Neste momento, estamos submetidos a uma política de pressão máxima por parte do governo dos Estados Unidos.

Estão impondo a Cuba uma guerra multidimensional: ideológica, cultural, econômica e midiática.

O imperialismo está tentando, por todos os meios, nos asfixiar economicamente para provocar uma explosão social. Ou seja, para que o povo, em consequência do acúmulo de insatisfações e privações, chegue a uma ruptura com o governo cubano, levando à famosa queda da Revolução, que eles tanto desejaram e pela qual tanto esperaram.

É possível que isso aconteça?
Cuba é a nação submetida há mais tempo a um bloqueio econômico, e não de um Estado qualquer, mas da principal potência do mundo, que rege o comércio, as finanças e a economia.

Em seu primeiro mandato [como presidente dos EUA, de 2017 a 2021], o governo Trump impôs mais de 240 medidas que endureceram esse bloqueio.

Eles nos incluíram em uma lista de países que supostamente apoiam o terrorismo, o que é uma falácia. Isso nos excluiu de todo o sistema de relações econômico-financeiras do mundo.

 

No atual mandato [de Trump], o bloqueio foi internacionalizado por meio do mecanismo de sanções secundárias [que pune empresas de qualquer outro país que se relacionarem com Cuba], estabelecendo-se também um bloqueio energético [desde janeiro].

Em sete meses, entrou neste país apenas um navio petroleiro, procedente da Federação Russa, trazendo uma ajuda humanitária de 100 mil toneladas de petróleo bruto. Desde então, não entrou mais combustível, o que agravou a situação e teve impacto na vida das cubanas e dos cubanos.

Quando não há energia, falta luz, falta água, não há transporte. A vida doméstica se complica. O bloqueio paralisa a economia. Ninguém no mundo consegue sobreviver sem energia.

Mas alguma gasolina entra no país, não?
Entra por meio de importações privadas, o que atende a algumas das necessidades dos [negócios] particulares.

A soma de tudo o que os privados importaram nesses sete meses, no entanto, equivale a um navio. E nós precisamos de sete navios de combustível por mês [para suprir o país inteiro].

Construiu-se uma rede de sanções e pressões coercitivas que restringem o funcionamento do país e que estão se transformando em um genocídio.

"Não acredito que serão cúmplices desse genocídio silencioso. Se ele avançar, é porque o mundo está permitindo. Aquilo que pode acontecer hoje com Cuba, e que já aconteceu na Venezuela e em Gaza, poderá acontecer com qualquer nação"

Miguel Díaz-Canel

Presidente de Cuba

Nesses sete meses, não pudemos dispor de 1.400 megawatts porque não havia combustível. Se tivéssemos usado essa capacidade, os apagões tão incômodos e prolongados que ocorrem em Cuba teriam sido reduzidos para aproximadamente três horas por dia.

No entanto, hoje temos apagões de mais de 20, 30, às vezes até de mais de 40 horas. Além disso, sofremos blecautes, quando o sistema desliga-se por completo, e sua recuperação leva dias.

CRIANÇAS MORTAS

Quais são as áreas mais diretamente afetadas?
Ficamos sem a energia necessária para a vida familiar, para os processos produtivos e os serviços, para a saúde, a educação e o transporte.

Neste momento há uma lista de espera de mais de 98 mil pacientes para cirurgias, entre eles 12 mil crianças. Há mais de 117 mil pacientes com câncer, entre eles cerca de 1.200 crianças, que não estão recebendo os tratamentos oncológicos. Há mais de 3 mil pessoas para as quais temos dificuldades em garantir o tratamento de hemodiálise.

Já são mais de 64 mil crianças com seus esquemas de imunização atrasados, o que nunca aconteceu. A mortalidade infantil, que era de quatro a cinco mortes a cada mil nascidos vivos —uma taxa de países desenvolvidos— mais que dobrou. São mortes de crianças. Que poderiam ter sido evitadas porque nós sabemos como evitar.

Nós verificamos que faltam remédios em hospitais.
Por causa da pressão dos EUA sobre as companhias marítimas [ameaçadas de sanções por Trump caso levem mercadorias a Cuba], temos atualmente milhares de contêineres em diferentes portos do mundo que não chegam ao país.

Há neles alimentos, peças de reposição para nosso sistema eletroenergético, sistemas fotovoltaicos, matérias-primas para produzir remédios. Só conseguimos cobrir 30% da lista básica de medicamentos.

A maioria das empresas turísticas que mantinham investimentos em Cuba se retirou: 50% de nossos hotéis estão fechados, e há cerca de 27 mil empregados do setor de turismo afastados do trabalho.

"Se somos tão incapazes, ineptos, ineficientes, por que nos bloqueiam? Não seria melhor deixar que caíssemos por conta própria?"

Miguel Díaz-Canel

Presidente de Cuba

Cuba está à beira de um colapso?
Não, nós não estamos à beira de um colapso.

Estamos em uma situação complexa, mas com uma enorme criatividade, que se soma à heroica capacidade de resistência do povo cubano. Estamos buscando alternativas e há uma luta plena para superar essas adversidades com nossos próprios esforços e talento.

Há apagões, mas nenhum apagou a esperança do povo cubano nem abalou a nossa capacidade.

Sem energia elétrica, todos os dias nossos médicos e enfermeiros chegam aos hospitais para salvar vidas. Sem energia elétrica, nossos professores concluíram o ano letivo e formaram mais de 30 mil estudantes universitários.

O que não posso negar é que se trata de uma situação extremamente complexa, de sofrimento, na qual se vê a perversidade de um governo tão poderoso quanto o dos EUA, que sacrifica o povo cubano na tentativa de submeter uma nação. E essa nação não se rende, esse povo não se rende.

BUROCRACIA

Mas, presidente, nós conversamos com um grande número de pessoas. Há o reconhecimento do endurecimento do bloqueio externo, mas a maioria se referiu especialmente a um bloqueio interno. Há reclamações sobre o governo, que seria o maior responsável por problemas que existem há muitos anos.

Quando as pessoas se referem ao bloqueio interno, estão falando das insatisfações com determinados aspectos da burocracia, com a lentidão de certas ações do governo. E nós temos sido os principais críticos e autocríticos disso.

Mas digo com toda a sinceridade: ainda que tivéssemos feito tudo certo, sem falhas —algo muito difícil em um país que vive há mais de 60 anos em uma situação de praça sitiada—, a principal causa do que vive Cuba hoje é o bloqueio [dos EUA].

Ele é determinante. Sem ele, teríamos combu stível e não teríamos apagões. Haveria alimentos. Produziríamos os medicamentos de que precisamos. O que estão fazendo é realmente um crime.

"Você conseguiria viver com 20 horas de apagão? Está acostumada a isso? Sabe o que é preciso fazer para viver com 20 horas de apagão? E há apagões por culpa do socialismo? Ou há apagões por culpa do imperialismo? De que lado está a razão?"

Miguel Díaz-Canel

Presidente de Cuba

Há uma visão também de que a discussão sobre se Cuba é ou não socialista está superada. E que se trata de saber hoje, na verdade, se ela seguirá existindo como país, como nação independente.

O que se tenta salvar é a nação, o país, a independência e a soberania. Nas condições de Cuba, isso está totalmente relacionado à construção socialista.

Se fôssemos capitalistas, estaríamos como nos anos 1950, em que todas as nossas riquezas e possibilidades estavam nas mãos de monopólios americanos. Era uma dependência total.

Em séculos de existência, o capitalismo demonstrou não ter solução para os problemas. A desigualdade cresce a cada ano no mundo.

O socialismo, em Cuba, esteve bloqueado desde que surgiu. Portanto, é muito cínico questionar um sistema quando você não permite que ele se desenvolva plenamente.

Se somos tão incapazes, por que nos bloqueiam? Se somos tão ineptos, tão ineficientes, por que nos bloqueiam? Não seria melhor deixar que caíssemos por conta própria?

Eles sabem que Cuba, mesmo bloqueada, conseguiu solucionar problemas de justiça social que não estão resolvidos nos EUA.

 

O CAPITALISMO SALVARÁ O SOCIALISMO?

Mas, presidente, ainda podemos dizer que Cuba é socialista?

Ninguém concluiu ainda a construção do socialismo, e cada país tem suas particularidades.

É um processo que pressupõe transformações de deformações estruturais que, no caso de Cuba, são resultado de séculos de dominação colonial espanhola e de décadas de dominação neocolonial norte-americana.

Houve uma revolução vitoriosa em 1959 que devolveu a dignidade a esse país, transformou e permitiu que ele avançasse. E, por causa do exemplo que representa, e da visão hegemônica, arrogante e criminosa do governo dos EUA, essa política [de bloqueio] foi imposta a Cuba.

Não é mais justo e possível alcançar resultados quando a saúde e a educação são gratuitas, quando tudo é compartilhado por todos e as riquezas são distribuídas? Mas, se você me cerca e não me deixa criar riqueza, como vamos distribuí-la?

É verdade que existe um bloqueio em Cuba para que o socialismo não se realize, mas...
[interrompendo] Se você não vive em Cuba, não pode entender o que é o bloqueio.

Mas eu posso...
[interrompendo novamente] Não entende o que é o bloqueio. Não entende as limitações provocadas pelo bloqueio. Você conseguiria viver com 20 horas de apagão? Está acostumada a isso? Sabe o que é preciso fazer para viver com 20 horas de apagão?

E há apagões por culpa do socialismo? Ou há apagões por culpa do imperialismo? De que lado está a razão, Mônica?

Não estou falando de razão. Estou perguntando: vocês estão enfrentando a situação com reformas capitalistas. Ou seja, é preciso promover o capitalismo para salvar o socialismo? Porque em Cuba hoje há propriedade privada, patrões e empregados, diferenças sociais gritantes. Ainda há socialismo em Cuba?
Estamos em um processo de construção socialista.

Mesmo com reformas capitalistas?
Não há reformas capitalistas.

Deixe-me explicar: o socialismo defende justiça social, e nós seguimos defendendo justiça social. O socialismo defende soberania e independência, e isso defendemos como ninguém.

Nos anos 1960 e 1970, vivíamos em uma bolha. Recebíamos 13 milhões de toneladas de combustível da União Soviética. Pudemos desenvolver toda uma infraestrutura industrial e produtiva, e realizamos programas sociais de grande envergadura.

"Há apagões, mas nenhum apagou a nossa esperança e capacidade. Sem energia elétrica, todos os dias nossos médicos e enfermeiros chegam aos hospitais para salvar vidas"

Miguel Díaz-Canel

Presidente de Cuba

Quando cai o paradigma do socialismo [nos anos 1990], cai a União Soviética, cai o Leste Europeu, [há uma queda de] mais de 80% do nosso comércio exterior.

Foi preciso introduzir reformas. Fidel disse: "É preciso fazer concessões para manter a revolução e o socialismo". Foi aí, nesse momento, que começou a desigualdade social.

Naquele momento Fidel começa uma abertura.

Tivemos que abrir lojas em divisas. Nos abrimos ao investimento estrangeiro. Um grupo de pessoas passou a se diferenciar não pelo que contribuía para a sociedade, que é um princípio socialista, mas pelo que recebia de remessas [de familiares] dos EUA.

Tudo isso provocou um nível de diferenças sociais indesejado, e que não conseguimos conter.

Agora, eu lhe garanto que em Cuba há menos diferença social do que em um país capitalista.

No capitalismo, é cada um por si. Aqui, as pessoas que têm menos renda são amparadas por mais de 32 programas sociais apoiados pelo orçamento do Estado.

Mas, para ter justiça social, é preciso produzir riqueza para ser distribuída com critérios de equidade.

 

E o senhor acredita que essa riqueza se produz com mais facilidade em uma economia de mercado?
Como se mantém um princípio de construção socialista quando se está bloqueado pela principal potência do mundo? Que agora nos cortou até a energia? O que fazer? O que fazer?

Temos um setor privado com o qual se pode romper parte desse bloqueio.

Essas transformações [as medidas econômicas recém-anunciadas] buscam também dar maior autonomia à empresa estatal socialista.

Quem fortalece a empresa estatal não está renunciando ao socialismo. Apenas está reconhecendo que pode haver um sistema que tem como principal ator o Estado, mas que se inter-relaciona com o restante dos atores. Que flexibiliza o investimento estrangeiro e que está pedindo que os cubanos residentes no exterior possam investir em Cuba.

Para que? Para que haja mais produção e benefícios para a população. Isso não é, de forma alguma, capitalismo.Os principais meios de produção seguem nas mãos do Estado, como representante do povo.

Dificilmente há retorno depois que o capitalismo se consolida. Por que em Cuba seria diferente?
Porque aqui há um Partido Comunista que representa o povo, que controla e aplica essa reforma. Há unidade da maioria do povo em torno desse partido. E há participação popular.

Esses 3 elementos são a garantia de que não haverá um processo de restauração capitalista. O povo não permitiria porque sabe o que a revolução significou em matéria de benefícios.

DIÁLOGO COM OS EUA

Os EUA estão se impondo a Cuba pela força de uma forma dramática. Por quanto tempo o país pode resistir sem um acordo?
Não temos alternativa senão resistir. Temos que resistir.

Mas vocês estão buscando um acordo?
Fidel sempre defendeu esse diálogo. Chegamos a ter uma relação mais avançada com [o ex-presidente dos EUA] Barack Obama. Mas isso não significa negociar, nem se subordinar aos interesses do imperialismo.

Não pode haver diálogo sob opressão. É preciso buscar um canal de diálogo sem condições prévias.

Como está esse canal?
Está estancado. Há um desejo de dialogar e há funcionários do nosso governo que conversaram com o governo dos Estados Unidos. Mas ainda não foi possível avançar. Não há uma agenda.

Agora mesmo o secretário de Estado [Marco Rubio] disse que vai cortar todas as formas de escape que Cuba pode encontrar. Vazam informações para a imprensa de que haverá operações da CIA contra Cuba.

Há uma leitura de que as medidas econômicas recentemente anunciadas já são, na verdade, concessões aos EUA.
Os EUA não têm moral para nos pedir nenhuma concessão, nem nós estamos dispostos a fazê-las.

As 176 medidas econômicas anunciadas são resultado de um debate de aperfeiçoamento que ocorre há mais de dez anos.

Não houve demora? Elas agora estão sendo implantadas em um momento terrível.
São processos complexos. Agora há mais urgência pela situação em que estamos.

Se os EUA seguirem pressionando, a situação pode se prolongar indefinidamente.
Pode se prolongar indefinidamente. É o que vem ocorrendo há mais de 60 anos.

Mas não assim, de forma tão crítica.
O Período Especial [nos anos 1990] foi muito crítico. O bloco socialista desmoronou e os EUA apostaram tudo na queda da Revolução.

Além disso, eu não acredito que o mundo vá assistir passivamente a esse genocídio.

O mundo tomou consciência do genocídio em Gaza e chegou tarde com sua solidariedade. Não conseguiu impedir que 70 mil palestinos, 60% deles mulheres e crianças, fossem assassinados pelo conluio entre Israel e EUA.

Não acredito que serão cúmplices desse genocídio silencioso em Cuba. Se ele avançar, é porque o mundo está permitindo.

Aquilo que pode acontecer hoje com Cuba, e que já aconteceu na Venezuela e em Gaza, poderá acontecer com qualquer nação se permitirmos que o mundo se renda aos desígnios dessa administração [dos EUA].

O fascismo está ressurgindo e sabemos as consequências. Sabemos o que é o Holocausto. O mundo vai se submeter a isso?

Por que não haveria o risco de acontecer em Cuba o mesmo que na Venezuela, que hoje tem uma presidente, Delcy Rodrigues, que obedece aos EUA?
Eu não gosto de comparações, muito menos com a Venezuela, uma nação e sobretudo um povo com o qual temos relações históricas.

O que pode impedir que algo assim aconteça em Cuba tem a ver com a nossa história, com a forma como nosso povo está unido em torno da Revolução.

Tem a ver com a decisão da maioria de nós, revolucionários, de dar a vida pela Revolução. Portanto, aqui não haverá surpresa.

RESISTÊNCIA OU MORTE

O senhor acredita mesmo que o povo quer dar a vida pela Revolução? Um povo que está precisando de água... Será, presidente?
A maioria desse povo está disposta a dar a vida pela Revolução e já demonstrou isso em outras ocasiões.

Se 32 combatentes cubanos [que faziam a segurança de Nicolás Maduro] deram a vida na Venezuela [ao serem mortos pelos EUA no dia do sequestro do venezuelano], o que milhões não fariam para defender a Revolução? Os que morreram eram de outra galáxia? Ou eram expoentes desse sentimento do povo cubano?

O senhor acredita em uma invasão dos EUA a Cuba, ou na captura de Raúl Castro?
Dessa administração dos EUA podemos esperar qualquer coisa.

Somos um país de paz. Mas há uma retórica constante de ameaças por parte dos EUA. O povo está se preparando para a defesa.

Mas como, presidente, se nem sequer há gasolina no país?
Temos nossos segredos, que não vamos revelar.

Todas as semanas há um Dia Nacional da Defesa. As estruturas estão ativadas. Temos uma concepção que é a Guerra de Todo o Povo.

"Se chegar a minha hora, chegou. Mas não vai ser com fraqueza e covardia. Vai ser lutando"

Miguel Díaz-Canel

Presidente de Cuba

É uma estratégia defensiva que nos permite agir com conceitos de guerra de guerrilha, de guerra irregular, [que vêm] da tradição histórica da nossa Independência e da guerra de guerrilha na Sierra Maestra [na Revolução de 1959].

Conhecemos as tendências da arte militar contemporânea, estudamos as guerras e as últimas invasões. Estudamos as capacidades do Exército norte-americano. Também temos nossa capacidade e nossa dignidade.

Por que prender pessoas que protestam?
Em que lugar do mundo não há insatisfações? A diferença é que aqui as pessoas fazem reivindicações diante das instituições do Estado e do partido. Confiam nelas. São atendidas, e não reprimidas.

Os EUA destinam parte de seu orçamento para ações subversivas em Cuba, que se aproveitam dos problemas aos quais nossa sociedade foi levada por causa do bloqueio.

Pagam pessoas para transformar reivindicações em atos de vandalismo, em assaltos a mercados e ataques à propriedade estatal.

Atenta-se contra a segurança cidadã. Como ocorre em qualquer país, aplica-se a lei.


O senhor nunca sentiu medo pessoal quando, por exemplo, capturaram Maduro na Venezuela e o levaram preso para os EUA?
Na medida em que participamos da revolução e conhecemos a sua história, tomamos a decisão de dar a vida pela causa. Vamos ter medo de que? É uma decisão já tomada.

Se chegar a minha hora, chegou. Mas não vai ser com fraqueza e covardia. Vai ser lutando.

Quando uma pessoa tem essa atitude diante da vida —e minha esposa também tem—, nada temos a temer.

No tempo que nos resta, vamos nos entregar de corpo e alma a este povo e a esta revolução.

Fidel nos ensinou que os reveses se transformam em vitória e que nenhum inimigo, por mais poderoso que seja, é invencível. Sabemos que vai ser duro. Sim, está sendo duro. Mas, veja: aqui estamos, em pé, lutando, sem nos render.

FOLHA