It sure looks as if President Trump was hoodwinked in Singapore.
Trump
made a huge concession — the suspension of military exercises with
South Korea. That’s on top of the broader concession of the summit
meeting itself, security guarantees he gave North Korea and the
legitimacy that the summit provides his counterpart, Kim Jong-un.
Within
North Korea, the “very special bond” that Trump claimed to have formed
with Kim will be portrayed this way: Kim forced the American president,
through his nuclear and missile tests, to accept North Korea as a
nuclear equal, to provide security guarantees to North Korea, and to
cancel war games with South Korea that the North has protested for
decades.
In exchange
for these concessions, Trump seems to have won astonishingly little. In a
joint statement, Kim merely “reaffirmed” the same commitment to
denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula that North Korea has repeatedly
made since 1992.
“They
were willing to de-nuke,” Trump crowed at his news conference after his
meetings with Kim. Trump seemed to believe he had achieved some
remarkable agreement, but the concessions were all his own.
The
most remarkable aspect of the joint statement was what it didn’t
contain. There was nothing about North Korea freezing plutonium and
uranium programs, nothing about destroying intercontinental ballistic
missiles, nothing about allowing inspectors to return to nuclear sites,
nothing about North Korea making a full declaration of its nuclear
program, nothing about a timetable, nothing about verification, not even
any clear pledge to permanently halt testing of nuclear weapons or
long-range missiles.
Kim
seems to have completely out-negotiated Trump, and it’s scary that
Trump doesn’t seem to realize this. For now Trump has much less to show
than past negotiators who hammered out deals with North Korea like the
1994 Agreed Framework, which completely froze the country’s plutonium
program with a rigorous monitoring system.
Trump
made a big deal in his news conference about recovering the remains of
American soldiers from the Korean War, but this is nothing new. Back in
1989, on my first trip to North Korea, officials there made similar
pledges about returning remains, and indeed North Korea has returned
some remains over the years. It’s not clear how many more remain.
Trump
claimed an “excellent relationship” with Kim, and it certainly is
better for the two leaders to be exchanging compliments rather than
missiles. In a sense, Trump has eased the tensions that he himself
created when he threatened last fall to “totally destroy” North Korea.
I’m just not sure a leader should get credit for defusing a crisis that
he himself created.
There’s
still plenty we don’t know and lots of uncertainty about the future.
But for now, the bottom line is that there’s no indication that North
Korea is prepared to give up its nuclear weapons, and Trump didn’t
achieve anything remotely as good as the Iran nuclear deal, which led
Iran to
eliminate 98 percent of its enriched uranium.
There
was also something frankly weird about an American president savaging
Canada’s prime minister one day and then embracing the leader of the
most totalitarian country in the world.
“He’s a very talented man,” Trump said of Kim. “I also learned that he loves his country very much.”
Trump
praised Kim in the news conference and, astonishingly, even adopted
North Korean positions as his own, saying that the United States
military exercises in the region are “provocative.” That’s a standard
North Korean propaganda line. Likewise, Trump acknowledged that
human rights in North Korea constituted a “rough situation,” but quickly added that “it’s rough in a lot of places, by the way.” (Note that
a 2014 United Nations report stated that North Korean human rights violations do “not have any parallel in the contemporary world.”)
Incredibly,
Trump told Voice of America that he had this message for the North
Korean people: “I think you have somebody that has a great feeling for
them. He wants to do right by them and we got along really well.”
It’s breathtaking to see an American president emerge as a spokesman for the dictator of North Korea.
One
can argue that my perspective is too narrow: That what counts in a
broader sense is that the risk of war is much less today than it was a
year ago, and North Korea has at least stopped its nuclear tests and
missile tests. Fundamentally, Trump has abandoned bellicose rhetoric and
instead embraced the longstanding Democratic position — that we should
engage North Korea, even if the result isn’t immediate disarmament.
The
1994 Agreed Framework, for example, didn’t denuclearize North Korea or
solve the human rights issues there, but it still kept the regime from
adding to its plutonium arsenal for eight years. Imperfect processes can
still be beneficial, and the ongoing meetings between the United States
and North Korea may result in a similar framework that at least freezes
the North Korean arsenal.
Of
all the things that could have gone badly wrong in a Trump
administration, a “bloody nose” strike on North Korea leading to a
nuclear war was perhaps the most terrifying. For now at least, Trump
seems to have been snookered into the same kind of deeply frustrating
diplomatic process with North Korea that he has complained about, but
that is far better than war.
Even
so, it’s still bewildering how much Trump gave and how little he got.
The cancellation of military exercises will raise questions among our
allies, such as Japan, about America’s commitment to those allies.
The
Trump-Kim statement spoke vaguely about efforts “to build a lasting and
stable peace regime on the Korean peninsula,” whatever that means. But
that was much less specific than the 1994 pledge to exchange diplomatic
liaison offices, and the 2005 pledge to work for a peace treaty to end
the Korean War.
In January 2017,
Trump proclaimed in
a tweet: “North Korea just stated that it is in the final stages of
developing a nuclear weapon capable of reaching parts of the U.S. It
won’t happen!” But in fact it appears to have happened on Trump’s watch,
and nothing in the Singapore summit seems to have changed that.
All
this is to say that Kim Jong-un proved the more able negotiator. North
Korean government officials have to limit their computer time, because
of electricity shortages, and they are international pariahs — yet they
are very savvy and shrewd, and they were counseled by one of the
smartest Trump handlers of all, President Moon Jae-in of South Korea.
My
guess is that Kim flattered Trump, as Moon has, and that Trump simply
didn’t realize how little he was getting. On my most recent visit to
North Korea, officials were asking me subtle questions about the
differences in views of Mike Pompeo and Nikki Haley; meanwhile, Trump
said he didn’t need to do much homework.
Whatever
our politics, we should all want Trump to succeed in reducing tensions
on the Korean Peninsula, and it’s good to see that Trump now supports
engagement rather than military options. There will be further
negotiations, and these may actually freeze plutonium production and
destroy missiles. But at least in the first round, Trump seems to have
been snookered.
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